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“ The powers graiUed under the Constitution, being derived from the People of the Vniied States, may be resumed by them, whenever perveHed to their injury or oppression.'*''—Madison. VOLUME 2,! CHARLOTTE. N. C.. NOVEMBER 15, 1842. EDITED, AND PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY T E It MS : rill Mecklinhur^ Jc^ersojiian*' is published weekly, at iC's Dulhirs and Fifty Cents, if paid in advance; or 'I'hrce i f>)i{'irs, \{ not paid before the expiration of three months tr .iu the time of euh.scribing. Any pt r.-on who will procure t.r aub^jcribtirs and become* rt'spoiisiblc lor their subscriptions, eh.ill h:ive a ropy of the paper gratis or, a club of ten sub- t Til.' Tb may have the paj^r on'j year for Ttctnty Dollars in fa Ivance. X , pjipor will bo disroiitwiucfl wh.lo the subscriber owes any ('in’,', if he IM able to payand a failure to notify the Editor f u wish to discontinue at least one month before theexpira- *'jn (;f the time paid for, will be considered a new engagement. O'li^in.il bui)senberi» will not be allowed to discontinue the '■ilif r before the expiration of the lirst year without paying for «L .'-ill year’s subscription. ertisement> will be coii.-picuously and correctly inscrt- -• i a? Ono I),.liar pt r j^quare for lh; first ins( rtion, and 'I'lceti- tj-five Cents for each continuance—exc‘pt Court and other .:.ijr:al advertisements, which will !)e char^^ed ticcntij-Jicepcr hii^ht r than tne above rates, (owiii^ to the dei&y, gene* uHy, af^/ndint upon collection.';). A liberal discount will be -it-uL. to thuftt who advertise by the year. Advertisements sent 'i . r j -ihli(‘ation, nui^t b»; marked with the number of inser- V ut;df ir. d, or tjicy will be published until furLid and charg- t i accordingly. v I- ttrrs to the Editor, uni ss conlahiin^ money m sums '.'i 2 ire Dullarf!, or over, must '‘ome free of postage, or the nil"int jiaid at the ulVice here wdl he cliarg* d to the w'ritep • I' v» ry instance, and collected a.s othtr accounts. in a study founded on the basis ofprecedent ? Would to Heaven the ladies bountiful would take to the quarter sessions and the assizes, in lieu of the infir maries and dispensaries, and make Blackstone their aid-de-cainp vice Buchan retired.—Dublin Univer sity Magazine. An Emhryo Reprohaie.—There is a great deal of originality in your geiiuine Kentuckian, and the following is not a bad illustration of the remark : “ A rough Kentuckian, hearing a child squall aiid squeal very furiously, remarked : How wick edly that small sample of mankind is swearing now, in the infantile vernacular! What will it come to when it’s tducaied ?” The foiiowing is an extract from a late unpublish- ' ed Engliah work on Acnerica : “ Levees are bluffs on American rivers, where the slaves cotigregate to dance their aboriginal dan ces; at which great quantities of water-melons are drank. Paw pans, a species of a large cherry, is ust^d on 'he Mississippi, to feed an animal called IlposUr, and the same river abounds with an odd fish called Sucker. It is great sport in a town there, called Kentucky, to shoot at the Coon-Crackers, a species of birds that infest the houses. The coan- tiy, on the whole, is well worth a visit: but we ad vise a traveller lo carry a life preserver; for wlicn the sieamboats on the rivers are heavily loadedj and after the passengers have paid their fare, they open their boiler and blow some of the passengers over board, to make room for those they expect to get at the next landing.” I* o i: T u Y . i'roni l>Iac!; vood lor Octob', r. non:. hv r chii.i.?:r. 31» ul, >* h »v. t.i an;! v.r dri.aiw in ih^. ^1 .suMu' b' ttrr 'tud faire r u.'iy ; \;i i our days, the meanwhile, to that golden coal Arc i^hdinLi Kiidin^ aw;iy. V.- the world bccoim s old, now again it is young, Hitter'a” for ever the word on the tongue. K:it ‘ Vt tii. fliTi yhlKjId of l;f' IIop'j leads us in— ll.j[)e plays round lUc luirtlvt'ul boy ; i iiouLrli tU> l>f.-t ofiis charms may «;th y*-utli begin, ^ et fur It re.-i( rvcs toy. ln'U wc .iiik at the gr.'ive , Vvhy, the grave hasscopc, Afiu over tU.' eollin ^laii i-ilaiiteth—IIopk! \ati it i.s not a drenm of a fa’icy prou i, With a Fool for its dull begetter; a voice at tiie h- ari, that procIui!ns aloud — “ Yr iC' rr borji to po!t tJie Ucttcr And that voice of the lf> art, O ye may believe, \\ .11 nev; r th - Hope of lli.j :SouI deceiv^ ! Cii::aus iSLUMi:ERL\G.” L M1.4 >/. r hi.-, pi;vr^ lUj e:l;t>)r pDre.l ; 2..x.'ii in;i' .s w- re dull- aud the editor siiorej. •>of( a.s th ' Ju ij '-ir- s j)l;iyed in his hair, II • dream -d of th.ii Lind where the earth-quakes are : * Aad .-^wat us the death of the hurricane come, 'i iie par-'.graphs il w from hi.« lingers and thumb ; ‘ 'air eitiv.^- he sanl; in the bottomless sea, \;id toppled down mountains in gloriousglcc. Volcanoes w re ra ring—he stood on tiieir brink, •\a 1 dij'j': d hi* stv.i.1 pen in tUeir Ii^va for uik, J i :h ’ vall y.s th;i'. sluin'.jort‘.l in b.’aiity below, II.; -.VI :t.; do Ail tIi.: ours JO th:it i=taii;pcd them with woe. i.ttL- h li- 'd '.I to b >.'-row, -! he murmured m .-^1 “ep, *• what a pap( r to-morrow !” Ilumlug.—Henry Clay says, in a letter dated a few days btfore the Dayton barbecue—“ I am here in comparative quiet and repose, and have no wish again to embark on the tempestuous ocean of pub lic alfaiiS.’’ A few days after, he was stumping it through Ohio and Indiana, with the intention of making through the South, received intelligence of the dreadful coon skinning j in this Stale, and immediately fled with “ my man ‘ Charles” from •• the tempestuous ocean of public afiairs,” to “ comparative quiet and repose ” at Ash- landj where he is likely to remain. VerJrdoquism Practically Illustrated.—In Bal timore, Wednesday, as Wyman, the ventriloquist, was passing the horse market, he was accosted by a jockey with ‘‘let me sell you this poney.”— “How old is her” said Wyman. “Seven last spring,” answered the jockey. “ Oh what a lie !” «jaculuied a most unearthly ^sound, “ I’m 13, and you know ii as well as I do.” The astonished jockey looked around, under the impression that some acquaintance, by way of a joke, had volunteer ed a speech in behalf of the poney, but discovered no one. This perplexed him, and striking the horse across the neck, the same voice cried “if you do that again, you blackguard. I’ll throw you off and kick out your brains.” This second speech was too much for the dumbfounded rider, who leap ed from the horse and started lo run, much to the amusement of the bystanders; and it was with great difficulty that he could be persuaded to mount the pony again after the joke was explained. M I S C K L I. A N V “ For Sale—ckcap.—A lot of beautiful ‘portraits 7 ■. i / Xow that I am talking of doctor?, what j of Dani* 1 Webster,’ in gilt frames, lately hanging ■ ..raii4'‘ set they an-, and what a singular position j in the parlors of several distinguished Clay whigs. i-y li. i 1 ill sucK-ty ! Adiiiitted to the fullest conli- i .^5 thry were bought at a lime when it was suppos es - .if the world, yet, by a strange perversion | ^ ^^culd play Second fiddle to Mr. Clay, they ta’])otilirii':> ot secreti. mat LolJ j r^onvi.-niw-mly out of date. neath the picture. IS th; ■vliilt'ili^'v arcMiie tif])ot?iiirii's of secreis that hold | _ t: •’•I'-hcr the whole 1‘abric of society, their infiuence ^ conn q Jt li-ifhiT liilly recogni.-^ed, nor their p(uver acknowi- ■ li^ d. Tilt* d-c'tor is now what the monk was once, wiUi this addilioiral advantage : that from the nature !’liis and the roseart-h of his art, he leads ?'!• re li-eply in the human heart, and penetrates in- i » its i!ini''>.-t rece>se^^. For him, life has little .’•o- i tii ';. riie grosser ag«MU-y of the body, reacting v= r un the ciuTntionso: tne mind, der^lroys many a :::; t;c (I y--lr- uu, and many a higii-wrougiit illusion, i ) him alone does a luan s]>eak son dt/iur mot \\liil»* ft) the la;v3 tT the leanings of self-re:specl wi!I * ik ' him aiuays impart a lavorable view of his ^ . To the I'iiysician he will be candid and even i .-re liian candid. Yt;t these are the men who, are the V .:, hing the secret workings of human passion, can •riu'i thi progress of mankind in virtue and in vice. U aile ministering to the body, they are exploring r :c mind; and yet, scarcely the shallow of lear dis* ipi»t“d, when they iall back to theirhumble position n IhV, hearing with ti;em but little gratitude, and, estrange to say no fear ! The world e.xpccts the.'ii to be learned, well-bred, Vind, considerate, and attentive, patient to their pi; rulousness, and endurmg under ti>eir caprice ; .ml after all this, the humbug homo^opaty, the pre- i 'st; rous absurdity ot liie water cure, or the more r; pn hensible inischiel of mesmerism, will lind more avor in their sight than the highest order ot"ability ,rc -mpanied by great natural advantages. Every man—and still more every woman—imag- lues himself to be a doctor. The taste lor piiysic, .kc that for politics, is born with us, and notiung eems easier than to repair the injuries ot the con- titution, whether of the state or ol the individual. ^V’ho has not seen, over and over again, physicians ; the first eminence put aside, that the nostrum oi ■me ignorant pretender or the suggestive twad- u.ing old woman, should be, as is termed, tried ? iN :> one iu too stupid, no one loo old, no one too ig norant, too obstinate, or too silly, not to be superior to Brodie aud Chambers Cramption and Marsh; nd where scicnce with anxious eye and cautious i;dnd, would Bcarceiy venture to interlere, heroic ig- n'-rance would dash boldly Ibrward and cut the Gor- tian difficulty by snapping the thread of lile. How oines It that these old ladies ol either sex never meddle with the law ? Is the game beneath them, ^vlicn the stake is only property and not life? or is ^kere less dillicuily in the knowledge of an art whose Tinciplca reiit on so many braachc» of scicace; than Politics of tiie i)av. We promised in our last some extracts from the letter lately written to his fuends in New York, by the Hon. John C. Spencer, St^cretary of War. This letter was in response to iKter from a number of gentleipcn ol Rocluster, New York, mvitingMr. S. to extend his recent visit to the State to that por tion of it, and to give them a public explanation of the course of Mr. Tyler’s administration. Unable to do this, he adopted the channel of a letter for this explanation. After laying down the grounds on which Mr. Tyler was elected to the Vice Presidency. th« diffi culties of his situation when unexpectedly called to administer the Government, and the first inklinors of his future quarrels with those who elected him, Mr. Spencer makes the following disclosures, which must give the people a still worse opmion than ever of the moral and political honesty of the leaders of whigery ; In proof of the absence of all seulsh. interested or ambitious motives on the part of the Piesident, in the course which his conviv'.ions of duty promp ted, I may now advert to a !i*ct long known to me, which has been promulgated in the newspapers of the day, voucheil for by at least one whig editor, stated by a representative in congress from Massa chusetts in a speech lately delivered at Newbury- port, upon authority, and hitherto not denied.— That fact i.», that previous to returning the second bank bill to congress with his objections, in full view of the assaults to be made upon him, and with the purpose of removing all cause of agitation, as well as to secure himself agamst unjust imputations, the President submitted to his then cabinet, wheth er he should, in the message then about to be trans- a tour mitted to congress, amiouncc a resolution to retire through the South. When at Madison, Indiana, he I fionl public life at the ex^ration of the existing * term and tha't against his doing so, ail the mem bers of the cabinc: then jnesent protested, on the ground that such an annui^i^tion would not have the effect to produce peace or quiet, but wou.M only change the direction of faction; that no one had a , right to expect such a step from him, as he had not been elected President, and no obligation existed that should interpose any barrier between him and a direct vote of the people. In connection, and yet in contrast with the pre ceding, is another fact of an exlraordinary character, which though known by many, has lately been dis tinctly promulgated. It is stuxdowed in a letter of Mr. Ewing’s in the siate:ftent'^y hni\ of a proposi tion having been made to the Piesident, tJiat the majority who had passed ^the first bank bill, would consent to postpone the second to the next session of congress, if they could receive assurances that in the mean time no hostile movement would be made on the part of the President. The full meaning of this statement has now been developed by the declar.a- tion of a member of congress, that a message was carried from the whig leaders in congress to the President, to the efTect that if he would engage not to disturb any members of his then cabinet in the enjoyment of their offices, second bank bill should be postponed. The answer to such a propo sition may be easily conceived. The efTect of that proposition was to prove me identity of the members of the cabinet whose places were deemed in jeopar dy with the hostile members of congress, an J if the de sign u'as to precip itate matters, it was most effectual. You will reqiure no aid to determine which of the actors in these scenes exhibited a lofty disinterested patriotism, and which evinced any tenacity for place or desire for power. These iacts are full of instruc tion, and furnish a key to many mysterious transac tions. After sketching and ably defending the various measures urged upon Congress by Mr. Tyler, Mr. Spencer thus broaches the subject of the currency: The recommendations of the annual message on the subject of Currency and Exchanges, next claim our at^.ention. After pointing out the necessity of a medium ot Exchange, approximating to uniformity of value in the difierent parts of the country, the President proceeds lo redeem the pledge he had given at the previous session of Congiess, by sub mitting the outlmes of a plan for itie aafe keepmg and disbursement of the public revenue, which shall at the same lime furnish a currency, and thus indi rectly regulate exchanges, 'fhe limits which 1 have assigned lo this coniinunication forbid a repe tition 0: the details of the exchequer plan as devel oped in the message and afterwards more fully ex hibited in the bill submitted to Congress by the Se cretary of the Treasury. This is the more regret ted, because 1 am confident it has not been sufficient ly considered by my fellow citizens generally, to be thoroughly understood. It is emphaiually the plan of the President, originated and matured by hnn, with a single modification introduced on the advice of his cabiitet. It proposes to attain its objects by the application of powers acknowledged in practice to exist in the Government fiom its foundation. The Treasury Department was inslituttKi for the collec tion of the public revenue, its safe-keeping, and its disbursement according to acts of appropriation by Congress. To a board of control under the super intendence of that Department, therefore was given the immediate charge oi this Dusiiiess, with auihori S NUMBER 86. ^1 Pcrfect Devil on Jits.—A Thompsonian Doctor was once “ culled in ” lo sec a sick cfiild. He look ed at the patient, felt its pulse, shook his head, hem med tl.rice and took a seat; rose again, hemmed, shoo his noddle ominously, lelt the patient’s pulse, and cast his eye upon the patient. ‘ What ails my child ’? asked the father. • I don’t know,’ replied saddle bags. ‘ ('an you do nothing for him?’ breatlied the anx ious sire. ‘IVothing,’ was the response. ‘But,’added the distiller of roots and ycti'bs, ‘I have some medicine with me that v.iil throw hnn into fils, and then 1 can cure him, Jvr I'm a perject Devil on Jits. and the great interests of the Union promoted by th*^ introduction of the currency founded on the re venues of the country, and yet so limited as to be always equivalent to specie. This plan has been approved by some of the most competent financiers of this country and of England, and pronounced to be adequate to all our Wiints, safe in its operations, and calculated to furnish the most perfect currency ihat could be devised. So far as the opinion of an individual who has had some experience in such rnatters, and who it is known to you has had occa sion to become acquainted with the abuses lo which a National Bank is from its nature exposed, so far as the opinion of such an individual is of any va lue, it is unhesitatingly given, that this plan in its assential features, is far preferable lo any olher that has been submitted, and that it will accomplish all the purposes for which it was designed, without hazard to the Government, without danger lo the people, and without stimulating anew the reckless spirit of speculation, whose excesses we have all such cause lo mourn. If, as seems to be generally conceded, the question lies between this plan and a National Bank, there cannot be much room for doubt or hesitation. Wai ving for the present the insuperable difficulties pre sented by the Constitutional objections to such a bank operating through the whole Union—objec tions so long entertained by a large portion of our fellow citizens and, strengthened rather than dimin ished by discussion and by the sad experience of the tremendous pow'er and the still more tremendous corruptions of such an msiilulion,—waiving these, the very fact of the existence of such objections and of others of a different character, will effectually prevent a subscription to the slock by those sound and prudent capitalists whose countenance and w real wealih can a\one give it vitality. Such will never consent lo place their property in lion to be the sport of the alternalft Iriui. defeats of parties. The charteriri^ such circumstances, would but incite the of those who intend to become borrov than lenders, and who by means of the bility of a corporation and with the impunity t marked former transactions of similar institutions, would plunder those whose confidence they had in vited but to betray it. Whatever may have been pur c?piuions heretofore of the utility of a National Banici however we may have been compelled lo acquiesce iii its su'f»posed necessity, the history of the last few years has, I sUouid hope, convinced all who are open to conviction, that any evils which may be anticipated from the want of such an insti tution, however groat, are more tolerable than the certain, positive and immeasurable injuries which we now know have flowed from the existence cf one that was instituted under the most favorable au spices, and W’as committed to the charge of men at the time esteemed the most honorable and trustwor thy in our land. Within four years of its existence, the last Bank of the United States becamc little bet ter than a den of robbers. Its managers, with few exceptions, pursued a systematic scheme of plunder and fraud, which was arrested by the investigations of a committee of Congress. Is not the only plausible objection which has been urged to the Exchequer plan, that it will increase the ^wer of the go?ernmeot and particularly of the Executive Department,—is il not unfounded and irrational? All power is liable to perversion for improper purposes, but since it must exsit, the true question is, where can it be most safely lodged?^ rhe American people have answered this question by declaring that their own representatives and offi- cers chosen by themselves, are the most safe depos- tones of those powers with which government must be clothed, for the protection and defence of all. the Consiiiuiion would permit the selection ol superintending officers by other means tl^jLlh* pointing power which it has created, i^i be adopted, according to the invitatic " dent. But until they can be derived the consent of the stales, and the same and even greater seciij such powers, than we hav“ Olher power vested in of obtaining full ai operations of the at any time am people, are pr( modification It as to juMU ivciabyihe Constiti plf of the government reat object, %as never y on this subject, my friends, because, so ltt|id examination in or out of ^ec^use it involves the most rnomen-. nation and to its citizens. In.^ entatives to Congress, you e Avhether the ExchequV r a National Bai^ yhelher the whole mattet, 4 „and unprovided lor. 'lIow citizens avow thcil a Bank of the UnR er the name and bao*^ who is pledged to;| fitical power vvhicfc^ The appeal to4h^^ fer such power up*I U with him, the creation of ah^ 8 administration f until ihe peo'ir of the pow- ^ the they checci^l5 ¥ following coupkt; “Diooronos liis lantern needs no more ! A;i honest man is found ! the search is o’rr I’ Apply at the Clay Club.”—Neic Haven Register. Old Virginia—Among the Aristocratic first famili! s who hail from “ Old Virginia,” we have ever observed that those who u’ere remarkable for nothing but ignorance, were the greatest sticklers for the superiority of V’i.''giriia blood over all others. “ Virginians are always thar, in time of danger, said an elderly matron of otir acquaintance the other day. ” I always tcached my childen brava do, for I’de rather see uindioas to run.”—Texas Red Lander. Dcccnrif. — Mr. Cushing, a whig, in his late j speech at Newburyport, Mass., said ;—“ Never had • there bet n i^uch coarse and vulgar abuse used by I partv presses before, as had been heaped upon this ‘ admmistration. by presses that had heretofore arro gated to themselVts -all the decency.’” The whi?s are consoling themselves that INIiller’s doctrine will prove true, and that next year locos as well as whigs will have to budge. Let it be so. We shall not have to go by Sah River, as will the ichigs. O sheepshears!— dealer. A Sign.—An exchange paper says that the best sign a dry goods merchant can raise in the west, in order to make a ready sale for goods, is *Not Marri ed.’ The suggestion is pretty good, but it do«s nol go far enough. The following, vvritlen on a sign in a New England village, was belter. ‘ Dry Goods, by John Biglow : who wishes to get marri ed.’ This sign dresv all kinds of custom. The sinf^le ladies went of course; and married men al ways told their wives to go, under the impression that they could easily cheat so great a fool Not joundyct.—The 500,000 Whigs who altcnd- e4 tiis t)jy^QU Clemency (now believed lo have been mistaken.) towards innocent stockholders, and a hope that the example which had been made of the offenders would deter others from similar practices, saved the Bank from dissolution. It was allowed lo proceec under new restrictions designed to prevent the re currence of similar frauds. In a few years, il was found at open war with the Government of the country, seeking the renewal of its charter, subsid izing presses and editors, squandering its treasures in partisan elections and openly purchasing the sup port of the venal in all directions. 'I'he moral cor ruplion which thus flooded the whole country, was in itself an evil of the most fearful magnitude. It struck deep at the roots of public faith and private honor, and prepared the way for that reckless and unbounded extravagance, which the Bank itself stimulated by the profuse distribution of its money, and the consequences of which we are now reaping in individual sufferings, (from which a Bankrupt Law affords but slight relief) and in the degradation of the character of our country by the fraudulent insolvencies of our public corporations, and by the shameless refusal of sovereign stales to fulfil their obligations. The final extinction of the same institution under a state charter, but managed by the same individu als, and the consequent inevitable exposition of its affaus, have disclosed scenes of depravity and fraud at which the whole country stand aghast. Who can look back at the immense amounts of public funds which have been entruiled to the fidelity of the same men, w'ilhout a feel ing of horror at the abyss cvhich we have escaped ? And who w’ould again venture the treasury of the nation upon the integrity of any body of individuals in an associate capacity, when we have before us such reiterated examples of the feebleness of the most unspotted public and private character, to resist the tempta tions which attend the control of enormous wealth and inordinate power? How can any government justify Itself in thus iransfering to corporate individ uals, the functions with which il is entiusted for the welfare of ihe people? The collection, the preser vation, and the disbursement of the public revenue is the business of the government itself, through its ow’n agencies, with all the responsibilities of office, and with the securities of oaths, bonds, and constant check and supervision Is 11 be shall rem' respectable desire fo ted Slat ner of a"17^i effect ihat may be plac electors of the coun on him and those fully and fairly mad such institution have conicnde pie in their wist er of further resistance. C gent virtue and firmness of fully abide the issue. The policy of the admini ler is f^urther indicated b which during the session 0 his duty to transmit to that b of general interest, related to treasury, and the imperative n vision for fulfilling our obligati ditors, and defraying the curren expenses of the government, A loanHacf l) ihorized for an amount scarcely equal to onf^^tf our ordinary annual revenue, and this sum, relative ly so insignificant it had been found imprncticable to obtain. The President believed that a pledo-e of specific funds for the payment of the interesr and the redemplioii of the principal of ihe loan, would at once relieve the country from the oditnn af such a failure, and replenish the treasury uir.il adequate revenue should be provided by ihe pas;,ige ofihv proper laws. In the proceeds of the snl^s of the public lands, he perceived such a fund already pro vided, and he recommended to congress the tempo rary appropriation of it lo the great public exiorncy which presented itself He was well aware of ih’o claim which had been interposed in behalf of these states to a distribution among th( m of these proceeds. But on examining the act of Septemder, 1841, pro viding for that distribution, he found the principles on which it ahould be made, settled by those who had been the w^armest advocates of the claim, 'i’he whif»- majority in congress had by that act determined tha't such distribution should not take place when iho country was engaged in war with a foreign power, nor when an economical administration of the gov ernment required the imposition of duties exceeding 20 per cent, on the value of the article taxed. Con gress had thus in accordance with the constant prac tice which had prevailed from the foundation of the government, solemnly re asserted its authority to control the distribution of those proceeds, and to di rect their emplovrnent for the benefit of the nation, whenever its exigencies demanded ihem. In his judgement that exigency had arrived; and his re commendation was disregarded, and the loan is not yet taken. These views of the President were no: new—in his message to congress at the extra ses sion in June. 1811, he said, “ among such a distribu tion of the procec-ds of the sales of the public lands, provided such a distribution does not force upon con gress the necessity of imposing upon commerce heav ier burdens than those contemplated by the act of 1833, would act as an efficient remedial ly to establish agencies, or employ Stale Banks in priety relieve itself of the burden of governing its Tenitories, by employing the agency of corpora- its transactions. To inese was added me power of issuiny Treasury notes to ihe amount of fiiieen mil lions, selling drafts, receiving deposues, aud purcha- sinf>’bills of a certain descnpiiou. These were the gei°eraJ featurts; and the PiesiJeni invited a dis cussion of its merits, whiie he expressed a readmes* to concur in any modifications that did not violate its essential principles. p:iiiicuiariy such^as should by any conslilulionai mtani lelieve the Caief Exe- culive Magistrate from any contiollmg power over the public Trirasury. You perceive how entirely this plan avoided all constil'Jiional objections, by providing ihai the functions ci purcbdsmg and sel ling diafts other than for ilv purposes ot the Gov ernment, should be exercised in any state only when not prohibited by such state. All conflict wiin stale jurisdiction was prevented. the banking privileges the «iaies were left without interference, the ope- rations^f the Treasury simrlificJ and facilitated. lions and the post office and olher departments, might likewise be consigned lo their care. If the crovernmenl is inadequate to the entire management of its fiscal aflairs, should we not be better employ ed in seeking and providing the necessary powers to enable it lo discharge one of its highest duties, than in creating artificial bodies to whom this same and still greater powers must be confided? If there be danger in the exercise of such powers by the selected public agents of the people, directly and periodically responsible to them for all their acts is the danger lessened by transferring their ex ercise w ith the secrecy w'hich invariably attends the proceedings of corporations, to those w’ho are not elected by the people, and not responsible lo them, but who hold their chartered rights for a longer or shorter term, by an immutable Uw, which even the will of the people cannot rescind ? measure, by being brought directly in aid of the states.”— 'i hrse sentiments were expressed to a new congress, Il might with equal pro- in which there v. as a kno.vn majority in favor of a distribution, aiid at a time when a collison had taken place between the President and that majority. I'he doctrine s and principles of that messao-e met with universal favor from the whig press, and no exception was at that time taken lo the passage above quoted. The act of September, 1841, for the distribution of the proceeds of the lapJ sales was passed, and embodied the identical principle ihus stated by the President. Nolwithstj\nding congress was thus distinctly ap prised of the views of the President, which they have sancliontHi and adopted, and of his determination to adhere lo them, that body passed two bills in suc cession. in direct conflict with the principles which it had thus solemnly recognized. The lust of these bills bore conclusive evidence on its face that the contingency contemplated by the compromise act of September, 1841, had arrived, that rates of du ties e.xt-eeding twenty per cent, had become neces* sarv f-r a.n ecal:niri:;'ra:i.n of the ^ov*
Mecklenburg Jeffersonian (Charlotte, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Nov. 15, 1842, edition 1
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